ˇˇ2000 World Social Summit: TEN
BENCHMARK ISSUES
by SOCIAL WATCH
The special outlook which non-governmental and civil society organization generally have pro-poor, participatory methods, putting social needs in the driver's seat found strong expression at the 1995 Copenhagen summit and its follow up in 2000. Pre-conference expectations and post-conference analyses of results are presented here from Social Watch, an NGO network for monitoring how governments carry out their commitments expressed at the World Summit for Social Development and their commitments expressed at the World Summit for Social Development and the Beijing World Conference on Women.
UNDER THE AUSPICES OF SOCIAL WATCH hundreds of NGOs and
civil society organizations from around the world have evaluated the implementation
of the historic commitments made at the World Summit on Social Development (WSSD)
in 1995. They concluded that the goals targeted are feasible, but regret to
assess that efforts toward achieving them are still not enough. Promised assistance
has not materialized, citizen participation is paltry, and globalization is
not benefiting those who need it most.
An independent review by Social Watch shows that social indicators were progressing
in over 60 countries before the financial crisis of 1998. At this pace, those
countries would meet most of the WSSD goals by 2000. Yet in another 70 countries,
progress is too slow to reach the goals in time. Thirteen countries are at the
same level or worse off today than they were in 1990, and for almost 40 countries
the data is insufficient for evaluation purposes.
The Copenhagen commitments are today more valid than ever. Further initiatives
are required to implement them in the present international environment, where
macroeconomic decisions taken by nonaccountable and nontransparent bodies, often
without due participation of the affected governments themselves, have dramatic
impacts on the prospects of achieving sustainable development. Ten major issues
were defined by Social Watch in its "Geneva Benchmark" document issued
in early 1999 and later submitted to the United Nations preparatory committees
and to the Geneva Summit for consideration. This paper presents an assessment
of the agreements reached by the Geneva Summit against the demands set out in
the "benchmark" document.
GENEVA 2000: ELEMENTS FRO AN ASSESSMENT
The Geneva 2000 special session not only included in its agenda the topic of
evaluating the implementation of the Social Summit 1995 resolutions, but it
was also about agreeing on "further initiatives" to put them into
practice. Since the evaluation section of the final document had been agreed
previously by the Commission on Social Development, not much attention was paid
to it during Geneva 2000.
A COMPARISON WITH THE NGO "BENCHMARK" DEMANDS
The most comprehensive document containing common NGO demands is the "Geneva
Benchmark" document, endorsed by most of the Social Watch and Development
Caucus NGOs. An evaluation of the results of Geneva 2000 should logically be
compared with what our expectations and demands were. The following tries on
summarize the results of that analysis. A detailed list of the demands and the
corresponding sections of the Geneva General Assembly resolutions, prepared
by the Social Watch secretariat, will be made available later.
The Benchmark document was organized in 10 points. The highlights for each point
follow.
THE PROCESS
While a more careful and detailed reading of the Geneva document is still pending,
preliminary analysis points to the conclusion that many of the NGO demands were
met, except for those that frontally challenged the functioning tax, trade rules
versus human rights and social development, debt, structural adjustment, lack
of transparency of the Bretton Woods institutions) were intensively debensively
debated by the diplomats, highlighted by the "Alternative Summit"
and the people in the streets, and widely reported by the press covering UNGASS.
This is, in itself, a major achievement, particularly if we remember that at
the start of the Copenhagen+5 process the developed countries. Led by Japan
and the US, made a major effort to restrict the debates to the three "original
issues"; poverty, unemployment and social integration.
This pressure was partially successful in the case of the second section of
the document (the review of the implementation), where not all of the commitments
were reviewed in detail and where references to structural adjustment and other
macroeconomic issues were omitted from the assessment of the implementation
of the 10 commitments.
NGO lobbying made the difference that ensured that the section of "further
initiatives" kept all the 10 commitments as the framework of analysis and,
by dealing with them all, reaffirmed the role of the UN General Assembly as
the place to debate macroeconomic issues, in spite of the attempt by developed
countries to shift that debate to the forum where they prevail: Bretton Woods
and the WTO or even institutions where the South is excluded all together, such
as the OECD and the G8.
At the same time, the timely reaction of the NGOs against the "Bretton
Woods for All" document was extremely effective in not letting it come
out publicly without criticism. Finally, the very fact that all the key issues
were in the agenda created the framework for the Alternative Summit to happen,
brining together for the first time a wide range of network for the Alternative
Summit to happen, brining together for the first time a wide range of networks
and coalitions, in spite of their many differences in points of view, tactics
and strategies.
The Social Watch NGOs played an important role in this process, and their high
visibility during UNGASS is a recognition of their efforts. The lessons to be
learned, the analysis of what could have been done better, and the definition
of our future strategies should be the focus of the discussion that we are now
starting, in preparation for the November assembly in Rome, where key strategies
for the future are to be decided upon.
In the following sections of this paper, the NGO benchmarks are summarized on
the left column, while the Conference outcomes are on the right. (Paragraph
numbers of the final document are in parenthese.)
Facing the financial crisis while protecting social development
Since the WSSD, financial crisis ahs devastated entire regions of the planet,
among them Southeast Asia, the economies in transition, and Latin America. The
response to this crisis has been based largely on dogmatic economic recipes
and the bailout of financial investments, despite near unanimous recognition
that those policies have negative impacts on the vulnerable sectors of society,
particularly women and children. Policies designed to address the financial
crisis in development countries must include the Copenhagen postulates related
to social development.
NGO benchmarks
Monitoring and control of international flows of capital, particularly of speculative
capital, is essential. This should be done through agreed international mechanisms
or national measures such as the proposed currency transaction tax (CTT) or
"Tobin tax".
The UNGASS agenda should give top priority to reformulating international financial
architecture, to democratic governance and accountability of the Bretton Woods
institutions and the WTO, and to assessing the social impacts of the proposed
Multilateral
Conference outcomes
The final document calls for "conducting a rigorous analysis of advantages.
Disadvantages and other implications of proposals for developing new and innovative
source of funding " (111)(e) bis. The Canadian proponents of a CTT study
and the UN Secretariat interpret this as providing for such a study a major
breakthrough. Debate on this involved strong NGO lobbying and wide media reporting.
The political declaration pledges "to find effective, equitable, development
oriented and durable solutions to the"
Benchmarks (cont'd)
Agreement on Investment (MAI) Existing initiatives for reducing the debt of
certain developing countries must be speeded up, expanded and substantially
improved to meet the WSSD commitment to alleviate the debt burden. Debt reduction
should be delinked from structural adjustment conditionalities.
Outcomes (cont'd)
External debt and debt-servicing burdens of developing countries (6bis), to
"implement debt relief", including debt cancellation (5bis), to "reduce
negative impacts of international financial turbulence" on development
and even consider "a temporary debt standstill" (10) the first such
UN declaration. Its calls for "developing, strengthening and enforcing
regulatory frameworksˇ to reduce the potential " (10(b)) can be read as
legitimizing control of capital flows. Action is mandated on debt problems of
"low and middle income developing countries", including possible debt
reduction (112) (b bis), going beyond the IPF focus only on Highly Indebted
Poor Countries (HIPC)
Participatory evaluation of the social impact of adjustment
policies
At Copenhagen in 1995, the heads of state and government committed themselves
to "review the impact of structural adjustment programmes on social development"
and "to enlist the support and cooperation of the UN system, in particular
the Bretton Woods institutions, in the design, social management and assessment
of structural adjustment policies". Today, structural adjustment programmes
are often "packages" with little economic and political viability,
but with dramatic consequences. In many developing countries, administrative
and fiscal reforms and the reform of the state have favoured corruption, weakened
control, destroyed productive capacity, increased unemployment, degraded public
social services and failed to improve state efficiency.
After the WSSD, the World Bank announced some policy changes and started joint
evaluations with government and civil society in some countries (the Structural
Adjustment Participatory Review Initiative SAPRI). Based on these evaluations,
the initial view of civil society representatives is that those policies have
not so far been modified on the ground, and their impacts on various sectors
and population groups have been grave. The International Monetary Fund (IMF)
is particularly slow in introducing changes in the agreed direction.
The social, political and institutional instability created in economies struggling
for survival is not conducive to advancing goals of sustainable development,
respect for human rights and equality. The enabling environment essential to
fulfil the promises of global UN conferences has come under severe attack from
a range of forces. Globalization and fiscal austerity policies have cut public
spending and services without denting the debt burden of poor countries. Economic
reform policies have led the state in rich and poor countries alike to withdraw
from its role as primary provider of social services. This is of particular
concern in the adjustment apckages IMF has initiated and supported in response
to the global financial crisis.
NGO benchmarks
The Special Session should take note of the studies showing that many countries
which did not apply standard adjustment recipes have achieved better levels
of social development and a better position to deal with the financial crisis
than those who did. The Special Session should again recommend participatory
evaluations involving UN agencies, governments and civil society on the social
impact of adjustment aiming to reformulate economic reform strategies. It should
recommend that effective, gender sensitive measures be implemented to protect
the livelihoods and human rights of persons living in poverty, particularly
women.
Conference outcomes
The final document sought "improved efficacy of structural adjustment programmes
and fulfillment of social development goals" (105bis); "participatory
mechanisms" for assessing "the social impact of structural adjustment
programmes and reform packages", aimed at "mitigating their negative
impact and developing policies to improve their positive impact on social development
goals." Such assessments might involve the UN system, including Bretton
Woods institutions, regional development banks and organization of civil society
(106). Structural adjustment programmes should take account of gender issues
(107bis). NGOs lobbied to add participatory assessments in the text and keep
the reference to "negative impacsts" of structural adjustment.
The commitment to eradicate poverty
Governments committed themselves at WSSD to set target dates for the eradication
of poverty. However, at present very few countries have set national targets.
Other shortcomings include:
Information on poverty levels and current national plans is frequently outdated
and insufficient, which makes evaluation of advances and setbacks very difficult.
The absolute number of poor people has increased, and in many countries the
relative number of poor people has also increased.
The feminization of poverty continues;
For many developing countries, recessive economic policies and the lack of an
"enabling economic environment" will result in an increase of poverty,
even in economies that previously succeeded in reducing the number of poor people,
as in Southeast Asia.
NGO benchmarks
The Special Session should call for an Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee
to prepare a Convention to Eradicate Poverty, recognizing four basic premises
about poverty:
Poverty is in itself a violation of the social, economic and cultural human
rights of the affected populations, as defined by the Commission on Social Development;
People living in poverty are more prone to be victims of violations of their
civil and political rights;
Poverty results from a complex interaction of domestic and international causes;
The persistence of poverty in a world that has the resources to provide for
the basic needs of all is a threat to international peace and security.
Conference outcomes
The final document agreed on a less precise formulation of the 2015 goals. It
falls short of starting a process towards a convention, though such might result
from the "global campaign to eradicate poverty" it recommends (128).
Countries are urged to "place poverty eradication at the centre of economic
and social development, and build consensus with all relevant actors at all
levels on policies and strategies to reduce the proportion of people living
in extreme poverty by one half by the year 2015." (24). It calls on countries
that have not yet done so to incorporate targets for combating poverty in their
national development strategies (27). Included are recommendations for "ensuring
a gender equality perspective at all levels," for "measures to counteract
the feminization of poverty," and for promoting participatory poverty and
social impact assessments, which include sex, age, relevant socioeconomic categories,
and definition of "the extent and localization of poverty and the groups
most severely affected, in order to design anti poverty strategies" (27bis)(n)
and (o)
Benchmarks (cont'd)
The Special Session should urge each country to define specific goals of reducing
poverty to at least half the values of 1993 by the year 2015, according to national
standards, with a reduction of no less than one third by 2010. We urge that
all countries, with participation by civil society, produce annual national
reports on poverty, prepare current plans, and evaluate the results.
Gender equality and equity
The Copenhagen, Cairo and Beijing conference agreements stress the need to achieve
equality and equity between men and women and protect and promote women's human
rights. So far, over 100 countries have informed the UN Secretariat about their
national action plans, but advances are slow and erratic. Many studies have
detected a growing "feminization of poverty", particularly in developing
countries. Structural adjustment and economic globalization do not affect men
and women equally and, in many cases, have intrinsic discriminatory effects
on women:
The shift in credit decision making from conventional banks to stock exchanges
means big corporations having easier and cheaper access to credit, and discriminates
against small, medium and family businesses where women tend to have more decision
powere.
Unemployment affects women more than men, reducing their employment opportunities
and increasing domestic violence related partly to high male unemployment rates.
Labour market and other economic and sociocultural discrimination against women
and girls continues.
The growing burden of poverty on women and girls places increasing pressure
on them to earn incomes in dangerous occupations where they are vulnerable to
trafficking, violence and abuse of human rights, including their sexual and
reproductive rights.
Women and girls bear most of the burden of reduced social expenditures which
increase gender inequalities in access to services and require women to compensate
with additional unpaid work in caring for the vulnerable.
NGO benchmarks
The Special Session should call on governments and United Nations agencies to
further advance studies aimed at recognizing the unpaid work of women in the
national accounts and to include the gender dimension in the evaluation of the
social impact of structural adjustment. At the same time, the Special Session
should recommend that international bodies adopt and strengthen gender policies
in their programmes and institutional management. Targets should be established
to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education no later than
2010. The special Session should call on governments to ensure that the agreements
reached at the Cairo and Beijing conferences are fully implemented.
Conference outcomes
Not all points were covered, and targets were included, but with different dates.
The final document calls for implementing the results of the Beijing+5 session.
Support should go to national efforts to close the gender gap in primary and
secondary education by 2005 and ensure "free compulsory and universal primary
education for both girls and boys by 2015" (71). International, regional
and national efforts were recommended to develop and use "gender related
analysis and statistics", including by helping national statistical offices
desegregate data by sex and age, formulate gender-sensitive indicators for monitoring
and assessing impact, and make regular strategic surveys (72). Governments should
fully implement Copenhagen and Beijing agreements with time bound targets, measurable
goals and evaluation methods, including "gender impact assessments,"
and "full participation of women for measuring and analyzing progress"
(72). Gender issues should be "taken into account in the formulation and
implementation of structural adjustment programmes"(107)
Equity and universal access to basic health care and
education
The Copenhagen agreement committed governments to achieving universal and equitable
access to education and health, but it is still far from being attained in most
African and other least developed countries (some are sliding backwards). Adult
illiteracy continues to be a problem in most developing countries. Goals of
extending access and improving quality in health services, including universal
access to reproductive health services, are not being met. Child mortality has
grown in Balkan and other eastern European countries, Latin America and Africa.
The goal of universal access to reproductive health services is far from being
fulfilled.
In the 1990s, governments stated implementing reforms designed by the World
Bank and other donors aimed at improving the cost effectiveness of public health
systems and introducing market principles of efficiency and viability. This
new reality competes against human rights and social justice goals envisioned
at UN conferences, especially at Cairo. Market reforms imposed on top of economic
crises have dealt public health services a body blow in countries undergoing
difficult economic transition. Cost-recovery measures such as user fees and
other privatization trends have sharply reduced access to health services by
the poor, and women in particular.
NGO benchmarks
1) Health: The Special Session should urge governments ensure that selective
use of user fees, social marketing, cost sharing and other forms of cost recovery
do not impede access to services and are accompanied by adequate social safety
net measures. It should call for an increase in official development assistance
for basic health care, health education, and major diseases such as malaria,
HIV/AIDS and others WHO identifies as having major impact on health and highest
morbidity and mortality rates. It should recommend providing prompt and necessary
resources to deal with the severe impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic on vulnerable
populations, women and young people in particular.
Conference outcomes
The final document calls for access to health care for all. "Make basic
health sevices available to all members of society and, where appropriate, explore
the possibility of promoting nonprofit community based health insurance programmes
among possible methods to support the Government to promote accessible primary
health care for all." (74) It also addresses the threat posed by various
infectious diseases. "Take all appropriate measures to ensure that infectious
and parasitic diseases, such as malaria, tuberculosis, leprosy and schistosomiasis,
neither continue to take their devastating toll nor impede economic and social
progress; and strengthen national and international efforts to combat these
diseases, inter alia, through capacity building in the developing countries
with their cooperation (75).
Benchmarks (cont'd)
2) Education: The Special Session should initiate efforts towards a Global Action
plan for Education, consistent with the resolutions of the 1990 Conference on
Education for All in Jomtien, Thailand, which targeted 2015 for achieving universal
access to primary education in all countries. Education programmes should promote
local cultures and languages, respecting and protecting those of indigenous
peoples.
3) Cairo Programme of Action: The Special Session should call on governments
and agencies to ensure that the Cairo targets are fulfilled. Goals should also
be set to:
reduce infant and under 5 mortality by two thirds of 1990 values by 2015 (and
by no less than one half by 2010);
universalize access to health, safe water and sanitation by 2015.
Outcomes (cont'd)
The final document stresses equal educational opportunities for girls and boys.
"Increased efforts are needed to provide equal access to education, health,
and social services and to ensure women's and girls rights to education and
the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health
and well being throughout the life cycle, as well as adequate, affordable and
universally accessible health care and services, including sexual and reproductive
health, particularly in the face of the HIV/AIDS pandemic; they are also necessary
with regard to the growing proportion of older women."(73)
The final document responds to these and related concerns, calling on governments
to "Ensure that the reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality is a
health sector priority, and that women have ready access to essential obstetric
care, well equipped and adequately staffed maternal health care services, skilled
attendants at delivery, emergency obstetric care, effective referral and transport
to higher levels of care when necessary, post-partum care and family planning
in order to, inter alia, promote safe motherhood, and give priority attention
to measures to prevent, detect and treat breast, cervical and ovarian cancer
and osteoporosis, and sex ually transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS."
(73)
Promoting the development of Africa and least developed
countries
The Social Summit committed countries to accelerate the economic, social and
human development of Africa and the least developed countries. But most African
and relatively least developed countries have made little progress, and many
are worse off than in 1995. The poorest countries owe an estimated US$371 billion
in external debt, and also face acute levels of human and environmental distress.
Policy reforms that curtail public expenditure have deepened poverty and inequity
in developing countries.
NGO benchmarks
We urge that these countries be considered exceptions in debates about finances
and trade, and that unilateral privileges and preferential treatment be granted
them. Without energetic and efficient action to cancel or reduce these countries
debts by creditor countries and the multilateral financial institutions. African
and least developed countries will be condemned to stagnation and "social
recession".
Conference outcomes
The final document falls short on these points without completely ignoring environment
for the "integration of Africa and the LDCs into the global economy"
and "their participation in the multilateral trading system." It foresees
providing debt relief that "can lead to a sustainable solution to their
debt burden;" improving market access for their exports, including "tariff
and quota free treatment for essentially all products originating in least developed
countries on as broad and liberal a basis as possible;" and helping them
"take full advantage of the multilateral trading regime" on a bilateral
basis, and multilaterally through WTO, ITC, UNCTAD and other regional subregional
economic organizations. (87)
Increase of resources for development
At Copenhagen, governments committed to augmenting resources for social development
by increasing development aid to 0.7 per cent of GPD, increasing aid for basic
social services (BSS), and making support for BSS a greater percentage of total
public expenditure. Yet, Official Development Assistance (ODA) is today at its
lowest level historically, in both absolute and relative terms, and the world's
richest countries (members of G7) are the most delinquent, despite OECD countries
commitment to WSSD goals in their "Shaping the 21st Century" document
(May 1996), and despite the easy availability of massive resources for war.
NGO benchmarks
It is necessary to restate the agreed goals and set deadlines for achievement
no later than 2010. We also urge the implementation of the Hanoi Conference
referring to the 20/20 commitment and the quality of aid. The Special Session
should recommend that, if reductions of public expenditure are agreed as part
of adjustment strategies, social expenditure should not be adversely affected.
Conference outcomes
The final document reaffirms these targets from previous conferences, but does
not set dates for achievement by developed countries. It calls for fulfilling
the 0.7 per cent ODA target "as soon as possible" and encourages "donor
and recipient countries, based on mutual agreement and commitment, to fully
implement the 20/20 initiative to ensure universal access to basic social services."
(112)
Full employment and sustainable livelihoods
At Copenhagen, full employment was set as a basic priority for policymaking,
yet job creation has been insufficient. In many developing countries, the dismantling
of the state and the priority given to economic sectors that are not labour-intensive
have resulted in a growing loss of jobs, with no alternative mechanisms for
income creation. In countries where employment is the major source of "social
protection", loss of jobs has wider consequences than just the economic
ones: it generates "pockets" of social disintegration that are fast
in appearing and difficult to eliminate. The recessive scenario that most developing
countries now face in the wake of financial crisis is a scenario of growing
unemployment.
NGO BENCHMARKS
The goals of creating dignified jobs and combating unemployment must be agreed
upon, with well defined deadlines and actions, and macroeconomic policies must
be modified to accommodate these goals.
Conference outcomes
The Special Session agreed, without setting deadlines, that countries would
"reassess, as appropriate, their macroeconomic policies with the aims of
greater employment generation and reduction in the poverty level, while striving
for and maintaining low inflation rates" (34)
Targets and reviews
The establishment of precise goals and deadlines was one of the most positive
out comes of the Copenhagen Summit. It helped generate political will and monitoring
mechanisms that are essential to fulfilling the goals. Since many of these goals
had the year 2000 as their horizon, the Special Session was to set new target
dates.
The availability of specific (including gender specific) social development
indicators is inadequate. Because desegregation along ethnic lines is lacking,
it is impossible to assess the damage caused to indigenous peoples by structural
adjustment.
NGO benchmarks
The Special Session must agree on new goals for all countries not just developing ones with deadlines not later than 2015 and with intermediate deadlines (2005 and 2010) so that progress can be assessed. It should recommend measures to guarantee the gathering and publication of gender and ethnic indicators and to stimulate national reporting on progress towards them. It should encourage governments to clearly identify the institutional mechanisms to review, with the participation of civil society, the implementation of the Copenhagen commitments. A new General Assembly Special Session to review the WSSD commitments and the further initiatives agreed upon in Geneva should be convened in the year 2005.
Conference outcomes
The reaffirmation of the Copenhagen goals and commitments and the need to improve
statistical work are addressed in many parts of the Geneva Declaration. But
the possibility of a new Social Summit, high level meeting or other mechanism
for a midterm review between 2000 and 2015 was delayed for later consideration.
Trade and investment: the international enabling environment
Since international trade and investments are key components of an enabling
economic environment for social development, the Special Session should verify
that the WTO has not complied with the request made in Copenhagen to survey
the social impacts of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, and instead entrust
the survey to UNCTAD.
UGO benchmarks
The Special Session should strengthen the work of such UN bodies as ILO, WHO,
UNICEF, UNIFEM and the Human Rights Commission in promoting human rights and
the specific rights of workers, women and children, setting standards and improving
enforcement mechanisms. It should discourage trends to empower trade and financial
organizations to impose conditionalities on developing countries through social
clauses.
Countries should work to ensure that international direct
investments have a positive social impact, require specific social performance
targets form foreign investors, and define and implement policies for establishing
joint ventures, promoting income distribution in favour of underprivileged areas
or social groups, and protecting small business from unfair competition by big
foreign corporations.
The Special Session should take note of the resolution of the Human Rights Commission
subcommittee on the incompartibility between human rights obligations, particularly
economic, social and cultural rights and WSSD commitments on the one hand, and
the proposals for a Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) on the other
hand. It should urge governments to hear those commitments in mind at the time
when they instruct their negotiators in trade forums.
It is also recommended that no new "Millennium" round of trade negotiations
be initiated until the social impacts of the Uruguay Round many of whose measures
favouring developing countries have not even begun to be implemented have been
analysed and acted upon.
Conference outcomes
Debate on the social impact of the WTO trade rules centered on a draft introduced
by South Africa, saying that human rights and health considerations should prevail
over trade related Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) for transnational pharmaceutical
corporations, so as to make possible affordable access to essential medicines.
The final version does not challenge WTO rules, but recognizes "the right
of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standards of physical
and mental health" and to "access to essential medicines at affordable
prices." It notes that IPRs contribute to drug research, development and
distribution of drugs and should also "contribute to the mutual advantage
of producers and users of technological knowledge" and to "social
and economic welfare." It left Member States free "to protect and
advance access to lifesaving, essential medicines", consistent with national
laws and international agreements (80), and to "analyze the consequences"
of agreements in relation to "health needs of people living in poverty"
(82).
The "no new round" demand was settled in Seattle last December by
the opposition of many Southern governments and people on the streets. The final
documents are highly critical of globalization, but no criticism of the WTO
was included because the US, Japan and the European Union were opposed. Dissatisfaction
of many Southern governments led to dropping mention of the Secretary General's
"Global Compact" between the UN and transnational corporations (launched
in July).
The document introduced the concept of corporate social responsibility, noting
that" corporations must abide by national legislation" and should
contribute to "social development goals" which interrelate with economic
growth. To this end, countries should provide a "just and stable policy
framework" to stimulate private sector initiatives and enhance "partnerships
with business, trade unions and civil society", in support of the Copenhagen
goals (16).
OPPORTUNITIES, DAMAGES AND COSTS
Some critical commentary concerning globalization, trade, debt, structural adjustment
and technological issues is given in the final document of the UN General Assembly
Special Session on the actions taken and needs arising since the 1995 World
Summit on Social Development.
"Since the Summit, globalization has presented new challenges for the fulfillment
of the commitments made and the realization of the goals of the Summit. Globalization
and interdependence have provided many beneficial opportunities, but have also
involved potential damage and costs. If anything, these forces have accelerated
and often strained the capacity of Governments and the international community
to manage them for the benefits of all."
"Economic growth has been impressive in some places and disappointing in
others. Current patterns of globalization have contributed so a sense of insecurity,
as some countries, particularly developing countries, have been marginalized
from the global economy. The growing interdependence of nationals, which has
caused economic shocks to be transmitted across national borders, as well as
increased inequality, highlights weaknesses in current international and national
institutional arrangements and economic and social policies, and reinforces
the importance of strengthening them through appropriate reforms. There is wide
recognition of the need for collective action to anticipate and offset the negative
social and economic consequences of globalization and to maximize its benefits
for all members of society, including those with special needs.
"For most developing countries, the terms of international trade have worsened
and inflows of concessional financial resources have declined. The high debt
burden has weakened many Governments capacity to service their increasing external
debt and eroded resources available for social development. Inappropriate design
of structural adjustment programes has weakened the management capacity of public
institutions as well as the ability of Governments to respond to the social
development needs of the weak and vulnerable in society and to provide adequate
social services."
"Globalization and continuing rapid technological advances offer unprecedented
opportunities for social and economic development. At the same time, they continue
to present serious challenges, including widespread financial crises, insecurity,
poverty, exclusion and inequality within and among societies. Considerable obstacles
to further integration and full participation in the global economy remain for
developing countries, in particular the least developed countries, as well as
for some countries with economies in transition. Unless the benefits of social
and economic development are extended to all countries, a growing number of
people in all countries and even entire regions will remain marginalized from
the global economy."
"