From Population to
Reproductive Health: Finding a New Yardstick
By BALLA MUSA SILLA
THE UNFINISHED REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AGENDA
For the most part, the political consensus achieved at the International Conference
on Population and Development in 1994 has persisted, although disagreements
remained on how to address sensitive subjects such as abortion and adolescent
sexual and reproductive health. In 1999, at the mid point review of progress
on the reporductive health agenda outlined at Cairo, most countries reaffirmed
their commitment to work toward the goal of ensuring universal availability
of reproductive health services, primary education for all, and child mortality
by 2015. In light of new realities and new research, countries also agreed to
eliminate the gap between the number of people currently using contraceptives
and the number expressing a desire to space or limit their families but not
currently doing so, also known as "unmet need", and to reduce global
prevalence of HIV infection in persons 15 to 24 years of age by 25 per cent.
While reaffirming the position on abortion adopted at ICPD, five years later
at the UN follow up conference to ICPD "there was still no clear agreement
on an expanded right to abortion, except that where legal, abortion should be
not only 'safe' but also 'accessible'. Participants tried to strike a balance
between "the rights, duties and responsibilities of parents" and "the
evolving capacities of the adolescents" and "their right to reproductive
health education, information and care," but the discussion reflects the
continued ambivalence in some countries and regions to explicitly address adolescents
needs. "
Despite considerable progress on the ICPD agenda, much remains to be done to
meet reproductive health needs. Throughout the developing world, too many women
who wish to limit or space their children's births cannot; too many women die
because of pregnancy related complications; and too many people suffer the consequences
of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS (see details in box, "ICPD
The Unfinished Agenda"). However, the demographic and health challenges
confronting developing countries now are far more complex than simple declines
in total fertility rates. To address them requires mobilizing considerable resources
strong institutions, capable and skilled professionals, political will and tackling
sensitive social and cultural issues.
What is needed are approaches to reproductive health that focus on meeting individuals
needs and desires. Knowledge and understanding of such approaches need strengthening
so as to help promote their wider adoption and refinement. Often this means
an integrated service delivery strategy, refocusing information education communication
and counselling functions, and policies. The added challenge is to make these
approaches directly applicable in different national, religious and cultural
settings. This entails rethinking how health services that have not traditionally
been provided together such as family planning, maternal care, and prevention
and treatment of reproductive tract infections can be integrated or reorganized
so that clients find the services they need are available to them in a manner
which they want. Providing consistently high quality reproductive health services
presents another, related set of challenges; direct services, information system,
logistics and supplies, and staff must all be realigned toward meeting users
needs.
Another area where progress is slow is in the broad domain of developing institutional
and policymaking capacity, as the ICPD+5 experience has clearly documented.
Many reproductive health issues touch on sensitive social and cultural values,
making these issues difficult to tackle. At a policy level, the political will
to address reproductive health concerns often remains shallow or fragile especially
and understandably where religious and cultural sensitivities mitigate against
overt action. These are also issues that in the past have proved to be highly
sensitive to outside influence, if not completely intractable.
Institutions responsible for service delivery have experienced shortfalls because
of these constraints and because of the organizational complexity of adopting
an integrated reproductive health approach. The shortfalls include insufficient
commitment of human and financial resources and failure to maximize the available
knowledge, data and understanding available. In many countries, the processes
of policymaking and programme implementation require further strengthening to
ensure full and effective participation and accountability across civil society.
Within governments and public health services, organizational development has
only recently been given the sustained attention it deserves. At this point,
while there is undoubtedly much unfinished business, it seems that the question
is not whether countries will continue to make progress on the ICPD agenda,
but how?
ICPD THE UNFINISHED AGENDA
Millions of couples and individuals still lack access to reproductive health
information and services. An estimated 100 to 120 million women who currently
wish to space or limit further childbearing are not using contraception. Despite
this potentially high demand, these needs go unmet for a variety of reasons,
including, but not limited to, lack of knowledge or choice of methods, lack
of access to quality health services, prevailing attitudes or beliefs among
service providers, community or religious leaders, or others, lack of institutional
capacity to provide good services, and lack of political commitment to meeting
reproductive health needs, including family planning methods and services.
Maternal mortality and morbidity remain unacceptably high. According to the
World Bank, the leading cause of death and disease for women between 15-44 years
of age is pregnancy related illness. In fact, almost 10 percent of the global
burden of disease in the developing world is due to maternal and delivery services,
particularly in instances of complications during childbirth and the consequences
of unsafe abortions are major factors.
Sexually transmitted infection including HIV/AIDS present a growing health threat.
The prevalence of STD s is rising in many countries. WHO estimates there are
333 million new treatable cases every year. In many countries, HIV has reached
epidemic proportions, creating significant adverse effects on health and economic
development prospects. 34 million people are now living with HIV/AIDS, 95 per
cent of whom live in developing countries. Women account for half of new infections,
and deaths from AIDS have left more than 11 million orphans globally.
Adolescents remain particularly vulnerable to reproductive
and sexual risks.
Lack of access to the sexual and reproductive health information and services
they need is particularly pronounced among hard to reach population like adolescents.
Globally over 1 billion young people are entering their reproductive years;
WHO estimates that more than 14 million adolescents given birth each year and
4.4 million abortions are sought by adolescent girls. Rapid social and economic
changes are posing new challenges to society and the family in preparing young
people. Traditional practices such as early marriage, and the expectation of
early childbearing, remain clear evidence of a widespread prejudice against
girls and young women. Harmful traditional practices such as female genital
mutilation affect 2 million girls and young women each year.
Women and the girl continue to face discrimination. Women and girls disadvantaged
position in many societies has limited wider use of reproductive health services
and methods. From childhood through adult life, women in many cultures get less:
less food than their brothers, fewer years of formal education, fewer opportunities
to work for remuneration, and less freedom to move around outside their homes.
One consequence of this persistent discrimination is that women lack the confidence
or authority to make decisions about their reproductive needs, including whether
or not to use contraceptives.
Financial commitments have been less than expected. The ICPD program of action
was estimated to cost $17 billion in 2000. Of that two third was to donor countries.
So far, both are falling short on their estimated share: donor countries are
providing only about $2 billion, and a small number of developing countries
(china, INDIA, Indonesia, Mexico) account for most of the $7.7 billion annually
from domestic resources.
MEETING THE REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CHALLENGE: LESSONS FROM
THE PAST
Developing countries by definition do not have the resources available to developed
countries to experiment with many different ways to provide high-quality, integrated
health services in the time frame specified at ICPD. Therefore, policymakers
and program managers must develop the best approaches possible given the demands
of the environment and their available resources and capacity. When it comes
to responding to sensitive cultural and social issues such as adolescent reproductive
health needs or responding to HIV/AIDS, the models and approaches of the developed
world may also be neither appropriate nor acceptable in the developing world.
For some seasoned family planning professionals, the challenges of responding
to HIV/AIDS involve similar attitudinal obstacles. As with many issues related
to family planning methods, policies and programs in the 1960s and 70s, the
main barriers to successfully tackling the AIDS epidemic are the many contradictions
in people's attitudes towards sex and sexuality. In the past, when international
actors tried to address issues related to these topics, they were often accused
rightly and wrongly of cultural insensitivity and their motives were suspect,
which often complicated progress. It is clear that personal sexual attitudes
and behaviors are driving the AIDS epidemic. Yet there remains a general reluctance
to openly discuss sex and sexuality, even in the face of a growing epidemic.
This issue must be included in any successful HIV/AIDS prevention program.
Although there are certainly variations in the social norms which determine
the spread of AIDS in developing countries, many shared cultural characteristics
are conducive to high risk behavior or may discourage people from adopting behaviors
which make them less likely to contract HIV. HIV is likely to spread more widely
where multiple, concurrent sexual partnerships are the norm. Social norms and
peer pressure that encourage men to use prostitutes or that venerate men with
many female partners while placing a high value on female chastity create the
conditions for a severe HIV/AIDS epidemic.
SOUTH-SOUTH COLLABORATION IN HEALTH: TOWARDS A DEFINITION
South-South collaboration means many thing to many people. However, a common
element of almost all working definitions of South-South cooperation in health
is the use of the skills and expertise of developing country professionals in
technical assistance, training or other activities which aim to facilitate transfer
of knowledge. South-South exchanges take place between individuals and other
individuals or groups, between national and regional government agencies, between
NGOs, and through a combination of these entities. Collaboration involves a
range of activities for sharing this technical expertise. Many of them are not
so dissimilar from assistance from Northern institutions: study tours, regional
conferences, meetings, workshops, seminars, training. These activities may be
long term or short term; move through distance learning, internet or computer
based channels; provide for internactive exchange using new technologies such
as e-mail, or for dissemination of print and audiovisual material; or involve
shared research, joint projects or the creation of regional centers of excellence
to serve as model centers.
Some of the most successful examples of effective South-South exchange have
shared certain characteristics: they are planned exchanges, not ad hoc activities;
there is political, technical and operational commitment at several levels,
ensuring that lessons learned from South-South exchange can be integrated by
other organization; and partnerships are developed as long-term arrangements
between governments or NGOs based on mutual commitment and understanding of
needs and interests.
Efforts to encourage condom use among married couples
for HIV prevention is difficult in countries where people want large families
and a woman's social status and economic well-being increases with the number
of children she has. This is largely the case in developing countries, where
the benefits of increased condom use among married couples in suppressing the
HIV/AIDS epidemic would be greatest.
Poverty also restricts people's decisions about hehavior which makes them vulnerable
to HIV infection. Those with low incomes may not be able to afford to treat
STDs or buy condoms. Poor families may see sex work as a profitable occupation
for young and poorly educated daughters. Those with less education may have
limited access to information about the dangers of high-risk behavior or be
less able to understand prevention messages. This explains why those most likely
to contract STDs and other infectious diseases are invariably the poor and uneducated.
Addressing these cultural norms is unlikely to be a short term effort, and will
require the widespread internalization of new attitudes and behaviors on a sufficiently
large scale. While external influences can play a powerful role in this process,
developing country leaders and communities who are striving to effect changes
to the cultural determinants of the spread of AIDS must take center stage.
Indeed, until policymakers in development opting countries adopt a more realistic
approach to HIV/AIDS, little progress will be made. Despite the personal, social
and economic catastrophes that the AIDS epidemic creates in developing countries,
policies and programs to slow the spread of HIV are woefully limited and largely
ineffective. Many countries still lack strong, sustained and unambiguous political
support for safer sexual behaviors, such as the use of condoms and sex education
for young people. Domestic public expenditures on AIDS prevention are minimal
and stable in most countries. However, there are signs of hope in a few countries
and a few communities; it is this hope which must be capitalized upon.
Uganda, Senegal and Thailand stand out as countries that have made good progress
in responding to AIDS. While other developing country countries continued to
deny that AIDS was their problem, these countries encouraged a more honest dialogue
about the causes and transmission of AIDS. The willingness of political leaders
to speak out about AIDS reduced the social stigma associated with the disease
and encouraged individuals and NGOs to respond to the epidemic without fear
of popular criticism. This also provided the foundation for acceptance of external
financial and technical support which was offered by donors to combat the epidemic.
Organizations in these developing countries and others that have been proven
effective in addressing HIV/AIDS have a lot of offer. For other countries to
learn from these experiences and adapt them to their own reality is not trivial,
but it can be done. The case of Bangladesh and Indonesia is one example of a
highly effective exchange between two countries.
BANGLADESH-INDONESIA EXCHANGE: A LESSON IN HOW TO RESPOND
TO HIV/AIDS?
This exchange took place over 11 years and involved almost 700 Bangladesh participants.
The experience is well documented and was evaluated both at midcourse (with
resulting reshaping) and following its conclusion. The findings are that this
experience demonstratess the potential of South-South cooperation to deal with
sensitive social issues which affect reproductive health programs, and to strengthen
those programs and lead to sustained improvements.
In the 1980s, the Indonesian program was rapidly gaining recognition at one
of the most successful population programs in the world. At that time, since
Bangladesh and Indonesia characteristics, it appeared that some of the Indonesian
experiences could be relevant for Bangladesh. Therefore, national officials
and an international donor began to experiment with visits of Bangladeshis to
Indonesia to observe their program in action.
Between 1980 and 1982, more than 300 family planning officers from thanas (sub-districts)
in Bangladesh visited Indonesia to learn about its family planning program.
Through this training activity, they were expected to return to Bangladesh and
carry out some of the innovations they had observed, specifically to develop
locally managed family planning programs. However, an evaluation showed that
despite their enthusiasm and high motivation at the end of their trips, they
returned to their thanas and found it very difficult to introduce what they
had learned. They were impeded by a lack of understanding and support from within
the thanas and from officials at higher levels. The report of this experience
stated that "ˇwithin a few months, most retained warm memories of their
visit to Indonesia, but little else."
The evaluation brought an unexpected benefit for the National Family Planning
Coordinating Board of Indonesia (BKKBN) which coordinated the Bangladesh observational
study tours. Before 1987, the BKKBN training program had conducted study tours
without planned curriclum or clear procedures for managing the event, and with
personnel assigned on an ad-hoc basis with no continuity. The evaluation findings
prompted BKKBN to look closely at its own training procedures. Its training
staff conferred with the Bangladeshis to determine their needs, developed appropriate
training materials, and visited field sites ahead of time to prepare them for
their role in the study tours. They then institutionalized the new approach
in BKKBN's international training program, which continues to conduct study
tours for participants from other developing countries.
In the case of Bangladesh, the results were remarkable. In 1987 the Ministry
of Health and Family Welfare initiated a formal series of observational study
tours to Indonesia through a USAID-funded project. From 1987 to 1993, a total
of 392 people from 51 thanas and the Ministry directorate in Dhaka visited Indonesia
on these study tours organized by BKKBN.
The Bangladesh participants were population program officers, community leaders,
policymakers and representatives of NGOs. Their visits to Indonesia were three-week
team programs for observing the Indonesian program in action, learning important
lessons about the causes of success, and assessing whether and how these factors
related to circumstances at home. Together the team then developed action plans
focused on how lessons learned in Indonesia might be adopted or adapted in Bangladesh.
While many factors contributed to the success of the family planning program
in Bangladesh, the impact of these visits to Indonesia on the Bangladesh program
was significant. According to an external evaluation of the program (Howlader
and Chakma, 1997), there were at least three positive outcomes for Bangladesh:
Participation in these study visits contributed to the knowledge and understanding
of participants. This means that they returned home better equipped to assess
people's needs and interests, shape the goals, methods and activities of their
programs, and carry out their functions.
Lessons were learned about the role, process and importance of community participation,
enabling participants to develop appropriate ways of promoting it in Bangladesh
programs.
Observing Indonesian experience helped the Bangladesh participants to encourage
the use of women as volunteers in their programs.
Now, in turn, Bangladesh also engages in South-South exchange, sharing with
other countries how it has adapted the lessons learned. Today, people from countries
as diverse as India, Kenya and the United States are adapting the Bangladesh
experiences and approaches to use in their own countries.
Obviously, in the post-ICPD world, the areas for exchange have changed, but
the need is still just as pressing. When it comes to remaining challenges in
providing integrated, high quality reproductive health services, reducing maternal
mortality, responding to HIV/AIDS, and addressing adolescent reproductive health
needs, developing countries will have to look to each other for models and approaches.
While the focus of the Bangladesh Indonesia exchange may not be as relevant,
the process, and its potential, are still important.
SOUTH-SOUTH COLLABORATION IN REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH: ISSUES
AND CONSTRAINTS
The principles of South-South cooperation have been repeatedly endorsed. It
continues to have potential as a relevant and effective way to address the unfinished
reproductive health agenda. However, the practice of South-South cooperation
in reproductive health is not widespread. Given the nature of the current global
health issues, the need for strengthened institutional capacity and political
will to address reproductive health issues, the shortage of international donor
resources for reproductive health programs, and the questionable relevance of
Northern models and approaches, South-South cooperation in reproductive health
will have to be a key part of the new approach to meeting the goals of ICPD.
However, several factors have inhibited or slowed down the progress towards
stronger South-South reproductive health cooperation.
In developing countries
Resources and commitment for reproductive health and South-South cooperation
Reproductive health programs tend to receive limited resources. When domestic
economies are performing poorly, resource commitments stay low and there is
little or no room for expanding them, let alone for South-South cooperation.
But even under current circumstances, additional resources could be found at
the national level if those arguing the case for South-South activities (generally
from the ministries of health. Population or planning) were able to convince
their colleagues in other ministries (particularly education and finance) of
the value and possible impact of such activities.
Capacity to share expertise
As the experience of Bangladesh and Indonesia demonstrated, knowing how to run
a good reproductive health program does not automatically translate into knowing
how to convey that to someone else. South-South exchange involves many of the
same skills that are required in consulting or managing an ODA technical assistance
project or area in which they are so outstanding internationally that others
will (or could potentially be) interested in learning from them. This is not
an insignificant challenge. Next, they must be able to write proposals or raise
funds either domestically or internationally. They must be able to identify
opportunities for exchange or understand how to produce effective information
about their program and make it available so that others will come to them.
They will also need language and cultural kills to work outside their own country.
The benefits of South-South cooperation in reproductive
health
These benefits are not yet clear to many decision makers in developing countries.
Policy and program leaders may not think about looking to their neighbors for
models and examples. Even if there is interest inside a health ministry to engage
in long-term exchange with another ministry, it may be difficult to persuade
others to loosen the purse strings. High-level advocacy is required with such
key ministries as Foreign Affairs and Finance if South-South cooperation in
reproductive health is to become a priority in the allocation of domestic resources.
This is crucial because South-South cooperation can become sustainable only
if it eventually relies on resources from the developing countries themselves.
Organization working in reproductive health may also think about South-South
cooperation only as an afterthought when programming and allocating resources,
if they think about it at all. It is not clear how many developing countries
would consider increasing the funding or intensifying the programming of South-South
cooperation in reproductive health. Fortunately, within the framework of Partners
in Population and Development, varied forms of such collaboration are now expanding
and getting institutionalized among its 16 member countries.
Examples of South-South exchanges funded by the Partner members and the donor
community include the following:
A program co-funded by the European Commission and the United Kingdom to support
exchanges on reproductive health (in Mexico, Honduras, Dominican Republic and
Peru), and sexually transmitted diseases/HIV/AIDS (Tunisia and Morocco) as well
as programs for adolescents (in Colombia,, Ecuador, Venezuela and Panama), and
for religious leaders (in Bangladesh, Thailand, China and Indonesia). The "Global
Leadership Program", supported by the Cates Foundation, aimed at developing
human resources on reproductive health through 12 institutions of recognized
reputation, which offer training on multi-country experiences and will benefit
1000 trainees.
A "Small Grants Fund" supported by the World Bank and the Packard
Foundation that has facilitated since 1998 the launching of 15 innovative South-South
initiatives by NGOs in developing countries.
An international fellowship program that benefited around 200 trainees during
1999 and 2000 in programs in Egypt, Indonesia, India and Bangladesh with Southern
institutions absorbing around 70% of the costs. The Rockefeller Foundation and
the Cates Foundation have provided supplementary support.
The East Africa Reproductive Health Network (EARHN), which executes exchanges
among Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania on family planning, safe motherhood, sexually
transmitted diseases/HIV/AIDS, adolescent health and gender perspective, with
support from USAID, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Packard Foundation, among
others.
A program co-funded by the European Commission for exchanges on management of
reproductive health services among Indonesia, Mali and Senegal, supported by
a regional NGO(the Center for the Study of the African Family CAFS).
A communication program co-funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, USAID and the
Hewlett Foundation, among others, exchanges through the Partners web site (www.south-south.org),
a periodical electronic bulletin, e-learning workshops, as well as through printed
and electronic country profiles, country briefs and inventories of institutions
providng cooperation.
In the international donor community
Many of the traditional international donors have been very supportive in public
of the concept of South-South cooperation in reproductive health. However, for
a variety of reasons, the resources allocated to South-South projects in this
area remain relatively small. Even when donors want to be supportive and provide
funds, there are several significant obstacles, including:
Domestic constraints on foreign assistance programs
Of the $2 billion given annually in population assistance, nearly $1.6 billion
is provided by a handful of donors: USAID, CIDA (Canadian International Development
Agency), and the UK DFID (Department for International Development) (1996 aid
data). Population assistance, like many kinds of international assistance, has
often been linked with the national foreign policy agenda, domestic interests,
and politics. This can occasionally make it difficult for international donors
who must demonstrate the domestic benefits of foreign assistance to make such
changes as using staff and consultants who are not donor country nationals on
projects.
Evidence of developing countries' commitment to South-to-South
cooperation
Many donors also with developing countries to demonstrate commitment to South-South
cooperation in reproductive health by using in-country money for projects and
activities not just asking for more donor money. A related need is to show the
impact of the South-South program on a country's reproductive health program,
particularly for bilateral programs. Without clear evidence that impact is likely
to occur, some donors may shy away from programming funds for South-South activities
in reproductive health.
Limited mechanisms for funding intercountry activities
Increasingly, donors are channeling funds directly to their bilateral programs,
retaining relatively few funds for regional or global programming. Programming
by bilateral or multilateral agencies on a country by country basis tends to
diminish opportunities for South-South reproductive health exchanges. Donors
tend to focus on achieving specific program objectives or results, and usually
donors program most funds within one country. Unless there is demand from developing
countries for Southern consultants or organizations to assist, a donor might
not consider using those funds for that type of activity.
Usually, donors have more flexibility in programming global funds, which makes
these funds easier to access for South-South cooperation projects in reproductive
health. Administrative advantages in managing initiatives of a significant scale
also make global allocations attractive to some donors.
CONCLUSIONS
Since the ICPD in 1994, donors and country planners and population, development
and health agencies are still somewhat puzzled about how to program and funds
post-Cairo activities. By separating population policy from family planning,
ICPD has forced governments and donors to rethink how they can deal with population
at the level of broad social and economic policy. Many of the issues of population
momentum, changing age structure, household linkages between population and
socioeconomic change, for example, and many of the measures needed to address
these issues extend beyond the scope of traditional sectoral ministries such
as health and education. They often extend beyond the capacity of national or
even sub-national governments. Therefore, even when governments are committed
to dealing with these issues, they cannot do it alone not in their current form
of organization.
There is a well-deserved criticism from many directions that services, especially
government service, especially government services, are often inefficient, insufficient,
and inappropriate. The charge is that they too often rely on outworn approaches
that are neither woman-friendly nor effective in reducing either reproductive
morbidity and mortality or population growth rates. A vast literature has developed
that focuses on the poor quality of reproductive health care offered in many
places. All these assessments end with urgent recommendations that there must
be massive 'structural' changes to improve the quality of care that government
agencies, NGOs and the private sector programs that typically offer family planning
services.
But even if all these badly needed reforms were put into place, there would
still be another problem. Health care services are not the only ones whose activities
affect and can enhance reproductive health. Many activities in education or
economic development affect men's and women's ability to make their own health
choices, and those activities will still be the responsibility of other players
government ministries, agencies and NGOs, This means that a lot of Cairo's vision
can only be achieved if others teachers, lawyers, parents, women's advocates,
development specialists, and environmentalists can add their part. This kind
of close collaboration and coordination has not been fully taken advantage of
in the past, so it becomes all the more important that these partnerships should
be established post ICPD+5.
This will require more than mere lip-service to "integration" of services,
institutions and sectors. It will take ingenuity, flexibility, and a broad spirit
of coordination and collaboration among a large number of governmental and non-governmental
agencies. This is where government, NGOs, the private sector, multilateral and
bilateral agencies can do a more effective job. They should try to ensure that
intersectoral coordinating mechanisms and consultations are built into every
project and program they design, fund or implement. In other words, even if
reproductive health services cannot be made holistic overnight, a holistic approach
to and understanding of the many faceted needs of women and men everywhere should
still inform and guide the work of all program planners and all donors. This
is where South-South collaboration can also make a difference, drawing on cases
where the full menu of reproductive health services needed locally has been
put together and functions well for users in the community.
The potential of South-South collaboration here is tremendous. At its best,
it can inspire action on difficult reproductive health issues, demonstrate realistically
and practically how services and programs can be improved in settings with limited
resources, and build capacity through training and technical assistance. However,
little concrete information is available on how to effectively design and implement
South-South programs in reproductive health.
Also, developing countries need more actively to promote the potential of South-South
cooperation for improving reproductive health programs. This action is needed
in four areas:
Advocacy: Encourage international donors and national governments to use existing
resources and additional allocations in support of South-South projects in reproductive
health. This calls for developing effective responses to questions and perceptions
conveyed by several donors. Developing countries negotiating grants and loans
with donors should consistently request the inclusion of projects or project
components for South-South cooperation in reproductive health. Recent experience
suggests that, in response to feasible proposals in population reproductive
health, the donor community can effectively complement domestic resources for
South-South cooperation.
Transfer methods: Strengthen under-standing of the process of South-South transfer
of knowledge in reproductive health. More operations research is needed on how
this transfer works best and how it can contribute to increased capacity. Similar
operations research and management skills have already been used in analyzing
the institutional capacities of reproductive health/family planning organizations;
these skills could be refined and reoriented for developing a better understanding
of South-South collaboration in reproductive health.
Market analysis: Continue to develop the market for South-South collaboration
by making sure that information on both supply and demand for such assistance
is more widely available, Research and communications will play an important
role here.
Tools: Become more virtual, offering more tools and training virtually to speed
up learning about South-South collaboration in reproductive health and about
strategies for initiating and managing such programs. New Internet and multimedia
technologies are an important tool for supporting this strategy.
REFERENCES
S. R. Howlader and P. B. Chakma, "Impact of Observation Study Tour in Indonesia
on Activities and Performance of Family Planning Program in Bangladesh: An Evaluation,
unpublished report (Johns Hopkins University/Center for Communications Programs,
May 1997).
A. Mundigo, "Reproductive Health: The Challenges of A New Field";
and A. Berquo,
"The ICPD Program of Action and Reproductive Health Policy Development
in Brazil," papers presented at the session, "Reproductive Health:
The Challenges of A New Field," IUSSP International Conference, Beijing,
October, 1997.
Jyoti Shankar Singh, ed., South to South: Developing Countries Working Together
on Population and Development (Population 2005: Washington D. C., 2000).
Partners in Population and Development, African Know-how to End AIDS: A Concept
Paper, unpublished paper (Partners Secretariat, Dhaka, Bangladesh, May 2000).
World Bank Paper, "Population and Health" (Washington D. C. World
Bank, 1999).
H. Zurayk, "Reproductive Health in Population Policy: A Review and a Look
Ahead"; and H. Zurayk, et al., "A Holistic Reproductive Health Approach
in Developing Countries: Necessity and Feasibility," Health Transition
Review, vol.. 6, No. 1, pp. 92-94, 1996.
The author would like to thank Jyoti Singh, Tom Merrick, Atiqur Rahman Khan,
Badrud Duza, Hernando Clavijo, and Bea Bezmalinovic for their suggestions and
comments on various drafts of this paper. The views expressed here reflect the
author's opinion, and to not represent an official position of Partners in Population
and Development.